Nós no ta cansa di ripitié. Y nós lo sigui ripitié.
Mientras tin tantu beheit tocante e básenan militar yanki na Colombia, e básenan militar makamba y yanki aqui y na Aruba tá di pelíguer inmediato y agudo. ¿Paquico? Claro méster argumenté, especialmente pa e incrédulonan entre nós.
E proceso di profundisashón di dominio colonial racista a través di Declarashón Final tá directamente relashoná cu militarisashón di Caribe y América Latino.
Tin un documento riba e página-web di Visiones Alternativas, Militarización Made in USA, qu ta duna un bon resumen di militarisashón di América Latino. Omishón notábel y stratégico tá e importancia di Antilla como base militar di agreshón makambo-yanki.
Méster mantené Antilla, na promé lugá como base económico y financiero y na di dos lugá como base militar. Antilla como base militar makambo-yanki ta reafirmá su importancia económico-financiero. Nós como base, como palanca ta duna acceso na un vasto teritorio inmensamente ricu. Un teritorio di posibilidadnan sin limite. El Dorado.
No tá esún o e otro. Tá un vishón total y totalitario di dominio, còntròl y explotashón cu diferente componente: económico, financiero, militar, mediático, electrónico, espacial. Tur componente tá interconectá.
¿Quico tá pasando geopolíticamente? Na nivel mundial mundu germano noroccidental makambo-yanki-anglosahón tá pèrdiendo mas y mas posishón stratégico y influencia. Caribe y América Latino tá nán último bastión. Sin nós, sin un còntròl total di Caribe y América Latino, e proceso di derumbe di imperio makambo-yanki lo acelerá mas aínda. Sin nós nán tá nada.
Si nos funshón militar tá pa haña América Latino atrobe bou di còntròl, còntròl di América Latino ta cuminsá na promé lugá na Venezuela, e país qu mas reserva di petroli y e país qu tá descubriendo mas y mas yacimentu di gas natural. Aparte di esey Venezuela ta poseé diferente fuente di awa dushi. Y asina por menshoná diferente otro recurso natural manera heru, bauxit, oro, uranio etc. etc.
E proceso di profundisashón di dominio colonial racista di Antilla, tin tur cos di aber cu e gran plan di dominio di e gran patria caribo-latinoamericano.
¿Quico e proceso di dominio y profundisashón colonial racista tin di aber cu geopolítica? Tur cos. Tur e básenan militar tin di aber cu còntròl y dominio. For di un base militar yanki na Honduras, Palmerola, a ehecutá e gòlpi di estado contra presidente Zelaya.
Colombia, e otro bastión yanki, ta un barí di polvorá. A pesar di tur e básenan militar yanki na Colombia, revolushón na Colombia tá cuestión di tempu. Colombia tá un bòm di tempu. Otro paisnan manera Ecuador a eliminá otro base yanki (Manta). Mayoría país latinoamericano ya no ta canta y balia na amèn makambo-yanki. América Latino y Caribe, poco-poco tá integrando. Tur integrashón ta bai contra interés di dominio y còntròl makambo-yanki.
Mantené Antilla pacificá, o sea controlá, dominá bou di Pax Neerlandica, e tapaqueshi makamba, ta crea pa makamba y yanki e lugá y e base mas stabil for di unda por operá indiscriminadamente contra nós.
Nos posishón singular, stabil, controlá y dominá colonialmente pa makamba, yanki su secuas y vasallo mas fiel (nós quièr mantené nivel y no cai den formulashón mas pisá), nos posishón di cercania pa cu Venezuela, ta haci di nós e base militar di agreshón pa excelencia. No laga ningún hende duda riba esey.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/28/2009
Claridad Lingüístico
Ayera nós tábata presente na Conferencia di Independencia – Independencia a bisti smoking.
Un momento histórico pasobra e discushón riba independencia definitivamente a sali for di scuridad y drenta Gran Sala. Y asina méster tá. E no tá un discushón mas den clandestinidad. Y asina méster tá. E tá birando un discushón-lucha na cua élite curasoleño a cuminsá participá. Y asina méster tá.
Ora logra e amalgama entre fórsanan llamá popular y grúponan élite, independencia prácticamente tá un formalidad. Obviamente esaqui no ta bisa nada di cón llega na e punto ey. Esey ya nós a llega di describí otro caminda.
Loque nós ta bai remarcá awor riba e conferencia, tá un punto di bista constructivo, den seno familiar. Nós cu nós. Méster tá crítico pa agudisá nos concéptonan, nos dialéctica descolonizador, y por lo tanto nos lucha. No por tá asina qu solamente ta alabá y no tá duna crítica ora tá na su lugá. Falta di crítica tá haci nós cómplice.
E crítica tá di carácter lingüístico-conceptual. Pa por laga hende comprondé dimenshón, magnitud di cuátershen aña di colonisashón, a llega e ora – Awor t’e Ora – di deshací di tur concepto qu ta tapa bèrdad y troce bèrdad di cuátershen aña di colonisashón, opreshón, sclabitud, genocidio, teror, intimidashón y duna nán nan berdadero nòmber. No tá promé be qu nós ta atendé riba e tópico aquí.
Algún ehèmpel.
E papel qu tur hende a haña ayera na entrada di e conferencia ta formulá na e discurso di Jopie Giskus lo siguiente:
«Boneiru na kaminda pa independensia of na kaminda pa integrashón?»
Compatriota Giskus a usa e concepto «integrashón» pa loque tá un proceso di anecshón di teritorio antillano. Integrashón tá zona bunita y inofensivo pa algu pernicioso y inaceptábel. Makamba tá apropiando teritorio antillano ilícitamente haciendo uzo di chantahe, soborno, intimidashón, manipulashón.
Asina por ehèmpel ningún momento durante enter e conferencia nós a tende a palabra ocupashón cai. Y esey tá loque tá pasando ya cuátershen aña.
Abogado Zielinski a menshoná den su discurso algún biá e concepto erróneo «madre patria». Como si fuera nós no tábata existí y macamba a crea nós. Como si fuera makamba a pari nós.
Dr. Adrian Fraser di San Vicente y Granadínonan a tene un discurso realmente excelente, di nivel altu. Un discurso qu nós lo trata den un artículo separá. Sin embargo tambe Fraser, qu ya tá bibando na un país qu tá independiente algún década, ta cai den eufemismo. Un ehèmpel. El a menshoná «plantashi» caminda e méster a uza e concepto «campo di concentrashón».
Otro ehèmpel qu ta dal na nos sintí. Giskus ta referí na e echo qu makamba ta trapa deréchonan humano na Boneiru caminda makamba ta lucha pa deréchonan humano na Zimbabue. «¿Con por tá?», Jopie Giskus ta puntra. Un formulashón ambiguo qu aínda, después di cuátershen aña di barbarismo, tá dunando makamba e beneficio di duda. Cu e formulashón aquí Giskus, aínda, ta concedé makamba algu di bondad, algu «bon» den nán qu ta haci qu nán ta «lucha» pa deréchonan humano na otro país. Makamba no tá defendiendo c.q. luchando pa deréchonan humano na Zimbabue. Makamba, manera sémper, tá hungando nan papel hipócrita pa desestabilisá un país cu un solo meta: apoderá di su riquésanan. E pretexto di democracia y deréchonan humano no tá nada mas qu un capa pa logra un solo meta: dominio y explotashón. E binomio democracia y deréchonan humano den actualidad a reemplasá loque tábata mishón y civilisashón como pretexto pa ocupashón, colonisashón, sclabitud y genocidio.
¿Paquico nos discurso? Dr. Fraser a bisa lo siguiente (nós ta dun’é un dimenshón adishonal): «E esencia, e curasón contra loque bó tá luchando tá cultural.» Es decir, e colonisadó su meta tá quibra nos wesu di lomba cultural histórico. Quibra liderazgo. ¿Con? Creando den nós e ilushón qu tur loque tá di nós, nos cultura, nos esencia, nos idioma, tá inferior na esún makamba. Tá meta sémper quibra liderazgo, crea den nós odio pa nós mes y desprecio pa nós mes y nós di nos banda, paradóhicamente, ta imitá precisamente esnán qu ta odia nós y despreciá nós.
¿Cua tá un di su vehículonan principal? Idioma.
Esaqui e názinan qu a crea e cámponan di concentrashón na Quenepa y Santa Cruz a aplicá den combinashón cu teror y intimidashón. Tá e mesún sistema di deshumanisashón e názinan di e di tres Reich y loque esnán di e actual di cuáter Reich germano tá aplicando.
Idioma. P’esey Papiamentu Bibu tá luchando pa llega na claridad lingüístico. P’esey a llama e bitácora aquí Papiamentu Bibu. Pues si a uza idioma pa deshumanisá un pueblo, e mesún idioma purificá di su mentíranan, falácianan y eufemísmonan tá un di e ármanan principal di emancipashón.
Solamente ora nos llega na e nivel di consenshi caminda nós a descargá tur mentira, falacia, eufemismo, cla y raspá, qu tá forma e cáncer den nos idioma y cuminsá duna cada asuntu su nòmber berdadero, nós a cuminsá duna un principio na libertad berdadero den tur su magnitud y splendor. Y asina so por logra berdadero independencia y soberanía. Esencia di emancipashón.
E proceso aquí tá den nos mes man. No por spera di e opresor y ocupador makamba qu l’e haci esey. Al contrario e opresor y ocupador makamba y su secuasnan y cómplicenan lo combatí e proceso di emancipashón sémper.
Por lo tanto ora e opresor y colonisador makamba ta papia di emancipashón, pa naturalesa tá un contradicshón. E tá contradiciendo su naturalesa, su genética opresor y colonisador racista, por lo tanto tá un mentira. Còrda: colonialismo tá racismo pa excelencia.
Nós ta bolbe principio. E conferencia tá un momento histórico pasobra nos supuesto autonomía ya no tá meta sino loque sémper tábata meta: independencia.
Independencia no tá «e único opshón qu a queda nós», sino e único meta, sémper. Ya cuátershen aña. Lo demás no tábata nada mas qu un ilushón, un pesadilla for di cua nós tá saliendo poco-poco.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
INDEPENDENCE PARTY OF CURAÇAO FOR THE EMANCIPATION AND HUMANIZATION OF PEOPLE & NATION
Awe nós ta presentá un documento qu a sali publicá riba e página-web di Tlaxala. Tur dos documento tá di man di sra. Joceline Clemencia.
Enlace di e documento tá: http://www.tlaxcala.es/pp.asp?reference=7744&lg=en
Referendum mark people’s victory in anti-colonial struggle in Curaçao
AUTHOR: Joceline CLEMENCIA
PARTIDOINDEPENDENSHA
PA INDEPENDISÁ I HUMANISÁ PUEBLO I NASHON
INDEPENDENCE PARTY OF CURAÇAO FOR THE EMANCIPATION AND HUMANIZATION OF PEOPLE & NATION
PARTIDO PARA LA INDEPENDENCIA DE CURAZAO PARA INDEPENDIZAR Y HUMANIZAR PUEBLO Y NACIÓN
In the referendum of May 15 the people of Curaçao booked a tremendous victory in the struggle for independence and national liberation when 48% voted NO to the recolonization proposed by the Dutch and the local government. The statement to which NO or yes could be replied was: : I approve the results of Round Table Conference to reach the status of an Autonomous Curaçao within the Kingdom. The 48% who refused to give back to the colonial power vital areas such as justice, public finances, good governance, police force – a policy described by experts as ‘colonialism by consent’-thus minimizing the internal self government of the islands, are the true winners of the referendum, considering the fact that all public funds were used by the government to promote the yes option. If the means had been proportionally shared the 52% in favour of yes, the official winning option, would not have won. One third of those who could vote did not cast their vote. (67% voters) The outcome of the referendum can only be described as a powerful statement of the people that, in the national context of heavy media manipulation, illimited government and private sector funds for the yes propaganda machine, interference of the Dutch government in the process in complete violation of international laws and the intimidation of the people that their material securities would be terminated if the package would be refused. The recolonization project has been refused by almost half of the population! The results per voting centre show that in 58 of the 106 electoral centers the NO option scored higher than the yes option that claimed 48 centres. The message is loud and clear: the proposal of the Dutch and local government was not shared in spite of all the resourceful Dutch brought in or living on the island that tipped the balance towards the narrow 52% majority in favour of yes. In one voting centre located in the upper class neighbourhood of Brakkeput Ariba in the east side of the island and inhabited by mostly wealthy Dutch, of the 2007 people who could vote 1296 voted for yes and 156 for NO.
most of our Caribbean islands, Curaçao is able to be self-reliant. A solid Caribbean and Latin American project of cooperation, mutual support, use of our many resources for the benefit of our peoples will be part of the road towards independence which is coming, whether the colonial forces like it or not. Curaçao is going to assume its role among the vast majority of independent nations of the earth. We demand the Dutch and the local government respect the inalienable right of the Curaçao people to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State.
As part of our two pronged strategy to win both national and international forces for the support of our struggle, the chair of the Independence Party of Curaçao, attended only two days from the referendum the Regional Seminar of May 12-14 2009 of the United Nations Decolonization Committee held in St. Kitts. In our appeal presented to chair Dr. Marty Natalegawa, members of the Committee, observers, experts and others – although not officially invited because Curaçao has been taken off the list of the Decolonization Committee for having internal self-government-the Independence Party requests the Committee to relist Curaçao in order to treat its case according to its reality: a Dutch colony; condemn violation by the Dutch government of international law, the Kingdom Charter, international covenants and UN Resolutions on self determination; present the case of Curaçao in the June meeting of the Committee in New York and decree a third decade for the decolonization of the remaining Caribbean and other colonies. (See attached appeal). Our presence in St. Kitts was covered by both Kittitian and Curaçaoan media.
We also thank the Parlatino (Latin American Parliament) for delegating Deputy Laureano Seijas as an international observer to the referendum. Touring the island on referendum day Member of Parliament Seijas was able to speak with the people at voting centres and in neighbourhoods, hear their concerns with regards to their lands being taken from them, their beaches closed for them by resort developers, unemployment raising, causing forced migration to the Netherlands and inadequate education for their children. See pictures of Deputy Seijas at the Santa Maria voting centre of Sint Joris College and at the Goiloschool where Joceline Clemencia voted surrounded by party members wearing our red and white Tshirt with the text: Pasó un mama no ke mira su yu sufri. Ta basta awor. NO! (Because mothers don’t want to see their children suffer anymore. Enough. NO!), one of the most worn T-shirts during the campaign, as well as our posters and flags, spotted everywhere on the island.
We have every reason to conclude that we have the victory of the May 15 referendum in spite of the means. And that we as a people have conquered our fears to claim our right of self-determination. To those Brothers and Sisters who did not vote, we say we know that the next time they will assume their responsibility based on our proposal and our alternative which we will present and discuss with them. We need all of our people for all of our victories! Let us build strong alliances with the workers, the youth, the women, farmers and all of the forces that love our country and oppose foreign domination of Curaçao. Let us strengthen our ties with the people of the other islands of the Antilles: Bonaire, St. Maarten, St. Eustatius, Aruba. We want to thank all of our friends, home and abroad who contributed in this significant step towards our national liberation. Long live the people of Curaçao! Long live the people of the Caribbean and Latin America! Long live the peoples of the world!
On behalf of the Independence Party of Curaçao
Joceline Clemencia, Chair
partido.independenshacuracao@gmail.com
THE CASE OF DUTCH COLONIALISM IN THE CARIBBEAN AND THE VIOLATION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW
MAY 15 2009 REFERENDUM IN CURAÇAO
Chairman, Special Committee on Decolonization Dr. Raden Mohammad Marty Muliana Natalegawa Department for General Assembly and Conference Management
United Nations
New York, NY 10017
U S A
May 15th 2009 there will the 3rd referendum (November 1993, April 2005) in Curaçao, Netherlands Antilles related to the political status of the island that forms part of the Dutch Kingdom along with the islands Bonaire, St. Maarten, St. Eustatius, Saba, Aruba. Aruba separated in 1986 from the other islands and will not be included in this paper.
THE REFERENDUM QUESTION
In fact the referendum question (which is not a question, but a statement to be affirmed) to be answered with yes or no in the referendum is as follows: I approve the results of Round Table Conference to reach the status of an Autonomous Curaçao within the Kingdom. The formulation of the question has been contested by professionals, whose objections were dismissed by the government.
This document deals with the national question in the Netherlands Antilles: actuality and history of Dutch colonial control, the violation of international and national laws by the Netherlands and the right of the people of Curaçao to be heard by the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations in its regional seminar on 12-14 May 2009 in St. Kitts and Nevis. The violations regard -The Charter of the United Nations -The Universal Declaration of Human Rights -The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) -The United Nations Resolutions on decolonization
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
In 1954 the Kingdom Charter that granted internal self government to the Dutch colonies the Netherlands Antilles (Curaçao, Bonaire, Aruba, St. Maarten, Saba, St. Eustatius) and Surinam was signed. The colony had been under Dutch rule since 1634. In 1948 the status of Dutch colony of Indonesia was terminated after Holland violently opposing the independence struggle. According to chapter XI, article 73 of the UN Charter colonial powers had the obligation to report on the advancement of the decolonization process in their territories. The General Assembly of the UN adopted a very critical position towards the Dutch arguments that – based on the Kingdom Charter –the process of colonialism had ended in its territories and that it should be therefore absolved from the plight to report on the decolonization process in the Caribbean. The doubts of the Assembly on the legitimacy of the document as truly an implementation of self determination of the peoples of the Netherlands Antilles and Surinam manifested in the voting; a small minority of 21 approved the Charter, 10 rejected it and 33 were votes of abstention (Session 557 Resolution 945 X, Dec. 15 1955). 1 As of that moment the Netherlands Antilles and Surinam became self-governing territories and were removed from the UN list of non-self-governing territories. Surinam became an independent state in 1975.
VIOLATION OF THE KINGDOM CHARTER
The same doubts as expressed through the UN vote are still valid today as the Dutch government proceeded through the years to minimize the internal self government of the islands as multiple reports show 2, culminating in 2006 when it co-signed with the Antillean government the agreement the Final Declaration (Nov. 12, 2008) that puts back under direct control of the Dutch administration the areas of justice, public finances, good governance and police force, all pertaining formerly to jurisdiction of the local government and all of which are covertly being executed already. In the Round Table Conference (Dec. 2008) between the government of the two countries, the Dutch government coupled -in straight violation of the UN Resolution 1514 (Dec. 15, 1960)3 -the right of self determination to the issue of the national Antillean debt (US 2500 million). The violation of the Kingdom Charter (paragraph 4, article 4: autonomy to deal with internal affairs, art. 148, 149) through the Final Declaration is of such a magnitude that it nullifies the whole agreement, its aspirations and its spirit violating constitutional rules of the Netherlands Antilles, namely that the process of giving back authority over internal affairs to the government of Holland should be through the parliament.
VIOLATION CHARTER UNITED NATIONS AND RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION -Fragmentation The Netherlands executed the fragmentation of the territory: as of 2010 the country Netherlands Antilles will cease to exist. It separated the smaller islands (Bonaire, Saba and St. Eustatius) from Curaçao and St. Martin and determined that the larger islands will be “autonomous countries within the kingdom”. The smaller ones have been integrated in Holland as municipalities, but since the Dutch constitution does not acknowledge municipalities outside the European territory, they were turned into “public organs”, but without the same rights as Dutch citizen living in the European part of the kingdom. In 2010 the kingdom will consist of the Netherlands, Aruba, Curaçao and St. Martin. Article 73 of the Charter states:
6. Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
- Exchange self-determination for finances. In the Kingdom New Style the Dutch administration will pay the national debt of the Netherlands Antilles (US 2.5 billion) in exchange for part of the self-determination and if severe conditions are met. UN resolution: 1960 1514
“Inadequacy of political, economic, social or educational preparedness should never serve as a pretext for delaying independence.”
-Introduction of a body of consensus laws that bypass the limited autonomy granted in the Kingdom Charter of 1954.
-Intervention in referendum. Dutch prime minister Jan Peter Balkenende declared on several occasions that whatever the outcome of the referendum would be, his government would continue to dismantle the country Netherlands Antilles and proceed with the integration of the smaller islands in Holland. Junior minister in charge of the colonies Ank Bijleveld visited the islands on at least five occasions in the past months to inaugurate social projects and promise finances for community projects, a privilege these islands have not enjoyed in the past decades.
VIOLATION INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS (ICESCR, New York 16-12-1966). Signed also by the Netherlands is consistently violated considering the differences between the economic, social, cultural level of wellbeing in the Netherlands vs the Netherlands Antilles, despite being summoned by the UN to eliminate the discrepancies between the two parts of the kingdom. The ICESCR declares: “The States Parties to the present Covenant, including those having responsibility for the administration of Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories, shall promote the realization of the right of self-determination, and shall respect that right, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.” -Recognizing that, in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the ideal of free human beings enjoying freedom from fear and want can only be achieved if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his economic, social and cultural rights, as well as his civil and political rights.
Article 1:
1 All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.
2 All peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. In no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.
In contrast to these clauses the islands experienced from Holland the destabilization the economy, the demonization and incarceration of opposition leaders, criminalization the country through international drug image profiling and accusations of corruption.
REVISION STATUS SELF-GOVERNING TERRITORY
» With the Dutch history of denying people in territories it controls the right to exercise their self determination, it’s imperative for the UN Decolonization Committee to revise the removal of the Netherlands Antilles from the list of non-self-governing territories. » In defiance of international law the Dutch government after 5 centuries of colonial presence in the Caribbean and 55 years of a much disputed Kingdom Charter, has not only not promoted the decolonization of the territories, but is executing now the recolonization, the paradigm shift being described as from “principle based relationship” to “rule based relationship” or Kingdom New Style with more Dutch rules, involvement, control and supervision.
» The government of the Dutch Kingdom has de jure and de facto failed since 1954 to grant the economic, social, political, cultural, spiritual development to the islands of the Netherlands Antilles according to the spirit and resolutions of the United Nations; » The Netherlands Antilles have been incorrectly removed from the list of non self-governing territories of the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations. » The Netherlands Antilles mistakenly appear on the list of self-governing territories. This calls for a revision, considering the reversing of the self internal government process as executed by the Dutch government » Based on all the above, there is legal ground to state that both international law as national have been violated by the Dutch government and the Independence Party calls for the Committee. To sanction this policy. » A body of international observers should be present in Curaçao to guarantee a free and transparent referendum considering anti-democratic experiences in former referenda. » The recent referendum that gave France the victory of integrating Mayotte against the will of the people, showed a colonial power in flagrant violation of numerous UN resolutions. The recolonization policy of Dutch government should be stopped to avoid the same thing in Curaçao.
INVITATION TO THE MAY 12-14 SEMINAR
The Independence Party of Curaçao proceeds to: -request Chairman Dr. Natalegawa to put on the agenda of the seminar of the Committee to be held in St. Kitts and Nevis on May 12-14 of this year the issue of decolonization of Curaçao, Netherlands Antilles. -urgently request the Distinguished Members of the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations in its Second Decade of Eradication of Colonialism to invite a representative of the mentioned party to address the seminar of the Committee to be held in St. Kitts and Nevis on May 12-14 of this year in order to receive a correct report of the internal situation of the Netherlands Antilles based on Resolution 55/146 (55 ft Session, agenda item 18, 83rd Plenary meeting, Dec.8, 2000) of the General Assembly of the UN Committee on the Second International decade for the Eradication of Colonialism: “Invites Member States, specialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations system, and other governmental and nongovernmental organizations, actively to support and participate in the implementation of the plan of action during the Second International Decade.
-urgently request the Distinguished Members of the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations in its Second Decade of Eradication of Colonialism to present the case of the Netherlands Antilles in the June 2009 assembly in New York for revision and be appointed as a non-self governing territory
-request the Committee to decree a third Decade to attend the decolonization of the remaining colonies in the Caribbean (Netherlands Antilles, Montserrat, Anguilla, Puerto Rico, Martinique, Guadeloupe, French Guyana, French St. Martin, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, US Virgin Islands and other parts of the world and/or the 16 territories that remain on the list of the UN Decolonization Committee in order to effectively grant the right of self determination to this territories.
With much respect
Drs. Joceline Andrea Clemencia
Chair Independence Party of Curaçao
Notes
1 In 1962 (UN Resolution 2504) the General Assembly summoned the Netherlands to grant Papua New Guinea a referendum and took Irian Barat under UN control. In 1963 the referendum took place and in Irian Barat became part of Indonesia in 1969.
2Jessurun’s 2004 report Governmental and Financial relations, Partners in the kingdom 2006, Hirsch Ballin’s 1990: Draft of a commonwealth constitution for the kingdom of the Netherlands. Council of State’s Advice future political relations (06), Central Bank’s Advantages & disadvantages options Central Bank (06); Working group’s General Financial Position (06)
3 No social, economic, cultural or other circumstances may be used to impede a people to make use of their right of self determination
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
Enlace di e documento tá: http://www.tlaxcala.es/pp.asp?reference=7744&lg=en
Referendum mark people’s victory in anti-colonial struggle in Curaçao
AUTHOR: Joceline CLEMENCIA
PARTIDOINDEPENDENSHA
PA INDEPENDISÁ I HUMANISÁ PUEBLO I NASHON
INDEPENDENCE PARTY OF CURAÇAO FOR THE EMANCIPATION AND HUMANIZATION OF PEOPLE & NATION
PARTIDO PARA LA INDEPENDENCIA DE CURAZAO PARA INDEPENDIZAR Y HUMANIZAR PUEBLO Y NACIÓN
In the referendum of May 15 the people of Curaçao booked a tremendous victory in the struggle for independence and national liberation when 48% voted NO to the recolonization proposed by the Dutch and the local government. The statement to which NO or yes could be replied was: : I approve the results of Round Table Conference to reach the status of an Autonomous Curaçao within the Kingdom. The 48% who refused to give back to the colonial power vital areas such as justice, public finances, good governance, police force – a policy described by experts as ‘colonialism by consent’-thus minimizing the internal self government of the islands, are the true winners of the referendum, considering the fact that all public funds were used by the government to promote the yes option. If the means had been proportionally shared the 52% in favour of yes, the official winning option, would not have won. One third of those who could vote did not cast their vote. (67% voters) The outcome of the referendum can only be described as a powerful statement of the people that, in the national context of heavy media manipulation, illimited government and private sector funds for the yes propaganda machine, interference of the Dutch government in the process in complete violation of international laws and the intimidation of the people that their material securities would be terminated if the package would be refused. The recolonization project has been refused by almost half of the population! The results per voting centre show that in 58 of the 106 electoral centers the NO option scored higher than the yes option that claimed 48 centres. The message is loud and clear: the proposal of the Dutch and local government was not shared in spite of all the resourceful Dutch brought in or living on the island that tipped the balance towards the narrow 52% majority in favour of yes. In one voting centre located in the upper class neighbourhood of Brakkeput Ariba in the east side of the island and inhabited by mostly wealthy Dutch, of the 2007 people who could vote 1296 voted for yes and 156 for NO.
most of our Caribbean islands, Curaçao is able to be self-reliant. A solid Caribbean and Latin American project of cooperation, mutual support, use of our many resources for the benefit of our peoples will be part of the road towards independence which is coming, whether the colonial forces like it or not. Curaçao is going to assume its role among the vast majority of independent nations of the earth. We demand the Dutch and the local government respect the inalienable right of the Curaçao people to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State.
As part of our two pronged strategy to win both national and international forces for the support of our struggle, the chair of the Independence Party of Curaçao, attended only two days from the referendum the Regional Seminar of May 12-14 2009 of the United Nations Decolonization Committee held in St. Kitts. In our appeal presented to chair Dr. Marty Natalegawa, members of the Committee, observers, experts and others – although not officially invited because Curaçao has been taken off the list of the Decolonization Committee for having internal self-government-the Independence Party requests the Committee to relist Curaçao in order to treat its case according to its reality: a Dutch colony; condemn violation by the Dutch government of international law, the Kingdom Charter, international covenants and UN Resolutions on self determination; present the case of Curaçao in the June meeting of the Committee in New York and decree a third decade for the decolonization of the remaining Caribbean and other colonies. (See attached appeal). Our presence in St. Kitts was covered by both Kittitian and Curaçaoan media.
We also thank the Parlatino (Latin American Parliament) for delegating Deputy Laureano Seijas as an international observer to the referendum. Touring the island on referendum day Member of Parliament Seijas was able to speak with the people at voting centres and in neighbourhoods, hear their concerns with regards to their lands being taken from them, their beaches closed for them by resort developers, unemployment raising, causing forced migration to the Netherlands and inadequate education for their children. See pictures of Deputy Seijas at the Santa Maria voting centre of Sint Joris College and at the Goiloschool where Joceline Clemencia voted surrounded by party members wearing our red and white Tshirt with the text: Pasó un mama no ke mira su yu sufri. Ta basta awor. NO! (Because mothers don’t want to see their children suffer anymore. Enough. NO!), one of the most worn T-shirts during the campaign, as well as our posters and flags, spotted everywhere on the island.
We have every reason to conclude that we have the victory of the May 15 referendum in spite of the means. And that we as a people have conquered our fears to claim our right of self-determination. To those Brothers and Sisters who did not vote, we say we know that the next time they will assume their responsibility based on our proposal and our alternative which we will present and discuss with them. We need all of our people for all of our victories! Let us build strong alliances with the workers, the youth, the women, farmers and all of the forces that love our country and oppose foreign domination of Curaçao. Let us strengthen our ties with the people of the other islands of the Antilles: Bonaire, St. Maarten, St. Eustatius, Aruba. We want to thank all of our friends, home and abroad who contributed in this significant step towards our national liberation. Long live the people of Curaçao! Long live the people of the Caribbean and Latin America! Long live the peoples of the world!
On behalf of the Independence Party of Curaçao
Joceline Clemencia, Chair
partido.independenshacuracao@gmail.com
THE CASE OF DUTCH COLONIALISM IN THE CARIBBEAN AND THE VIOLATION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW
MAY 15 2009 REFERENDUM IN CURAÇAO
Chairman, Special Committee on Decolonization Dr. Raden Mohammad Marty Muliana Natalegawa Department for General Assembly and Conference Management
United Nations
New York, NY 10017
U S A
May 15th 2009 there will the 3rd referendum (November 1993, April 2005) in Curaçao, Netherlands Antilles related to the political status of the island that forms part of the Dutch Kingdom along with the islands Bonaire, St. Maarten, St. Eustatius, Saba, Aruba. Aruba separated in 1986 from the other islands and will not be included in this paper.
THE REFERENDUM QUESTION
In fact the referendum question (which is not a question, but a statement to be affirmed) to be answered with yes or no in the referendum is as follows: I approve the results of Round Table Conference to reach the status of an Autonomous Curaçao within the Kingdom. The formulation of the question has been contested by professionals, whose objections were dismissed by the government.
This document deals with the national question in the Netherlands Antilles: actuality and history of Dutch colonial control, the violation of international and national laws by the Netherlands and the right of the people of Curaçao to be heard by the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations in its regional seminar on 12-14 May 2009 in St. Kitts and Nevis. The violations regard -The Charter of the United Nations -The Universal Declaration of Human Rights -The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) -The United Nations Resolutions on decolonization
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
In 1954 the Kingdom Charter that granted internal self government to the Dutch colonies the Netherlands Antilles (Curaçao, Bonaire, Aruba, St. Maarten, Saba, St. Eustatius) and Surinam was signed. The colony had been under Dutch rule since 1634. In 1948 the status of Dutch colony of Indonesia was terminated after Holland violently opposing the independence struggle. According to chapter XI, article 73 of the UN Charter colonial powers had the obligation to report on the advancement of the decolonization process in their territories. The General Assembly of the UN adopted a very critical position towards the Dutch arguments that – based on the Kingdom Charter –the process of colonialism had ended in its territories and that it should be therefore absolved from the plight to report on the decolonization process in the Caribbean. The doubts of the Assembly on the legitimacy of the document as truly an implementation of self determination of the peoples of the Netherlands Antilles and Surinam manifested in the voting; a small minority of 21 approved the Charter, 10 rejected it and 33 were votes of abstention (Session 557 Resolution 945 X, Dec. 15 1955). 1 As of that moment the Netherlands Antilles and Surinam became self-governing territories and were removed from the UN list of non-self-governing territories. Surinam became an independent state in 1975.
VIOLATION OF THE KINGDOM CHARTER
The same doubts as expressed through the UN vote are still valid today as the Dutch government proceeded through the years to minimize the internal self government of the islands as multiple reports show 2, culminating in 2006 when it co-signed with the Antillean government the agreement the Final Declaration (Nov. 12, 2008) that puts back under direct control of the Dutch administration the areas of justice, public finances, good governance and police force, all pertaining formerly to jurisdiction of the local government and all of which are covertly being executed already. In the Round Table Conference (Dec. 2008) between the government of the two countries, the Dutch government coupled -in straight violation of the UN Resolution 1514 (Dec. 15, 1960)3 -the right of self determination to the issue of the national Antillean debt (US 2500 million). The violation of the Kingdom Charter (paragraph 4, article 4: autonomy to deal with internal affairs, art. 148, 149) through the Final Declaration is of such a magnitude that it nullifies the whole agreement, its aspirations and its spirit violating constitutional rules of the Netherlands Antilles, namely that the process of giving back authority over internal affairs to the government of Holland should be through the parliament.
VIOLATION CHARTER UNITED NATIONS AND RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION -Fragmentation The Netherlands executed the fragmentation of the territory: as of 2010 the country Netherlands Antilles will cease to exist. It separated the smaller islands (Bonaire, Saba and St. Eustatius) from Curaçao and St. Martin and determined that the larger islands will be “autonomous countries within the kingdom”. The smaller ones have been integrated in Holland as municipalities, but since the Dutch constitution does not acknowledge municipalities outside the European territory, they were turned into “public organs”, but without the same rights as Dutch citizen living in the European part of the kingdom. In 2010 the kingdom will consist of the Netherlands, Aruba, Curaçao and St. Martin. Article 73 of the Charter states:
6. Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
- Exchange self-determination for finances. In the Kingdom New Style the Dutch administration will pay the national debt of the Netherlands Antilles (US 2.5 billion) in exchange for part of the self-determination and if severe conditions are met. UN resolution: 1960 1514
“Inadequacy of political, economic, social or educational preparedness should never serve as a pretext for delaying independence.”
-Introduction of a body of consensus laws that bypass the limited autonomy granted in the Kingdom Charter of 1954.
-Intervention in referendum. Dutch prime minister Jan Peter Balkenende declared on several occasions that whatever the outcome of the referendum would be, his government would continue to dismantle the country Netherlands Antilles and proceed with the integration of the smaller islands in Holland. Junior minister in charge of the colonies Ank Bijleveld visited the islands on at least five occasions in the past months to inaugurate social projects and promise finances for community projects, a privilege these islands have not enjoyed in the past decades.
VIOLATION INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS (ICESCR, New York 16-12-1966). Signed also by the Netherlands is consistently violated considering the differences between the economic, social, cultural level of wellbeing in the Netherlands vs the Netherlands Antilles, despite being summoned by the UN to eliminate the discrepancies between the two parts of the kingdom. The ICESCR declares: “The States Parties to the present Covenant, including those having responsibility for the administration of Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories, shall promote the realization of the right of self-determination, and shall respect that right, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.” -Recognizing that, in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the ideal of free human beings enjoying freedom from fear and want can only be achieved if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his economic, social and cultural rights, as well as his civil and political rights.
Article 1:
1 All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.
2 All peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. In no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.
In contrast to these clauses the islands experienced from Holland the destabilization the economy, the demonization and incarceration of opposition leaders, criminalization the country through international drug image profiling and accusations of corruption.
REVISION STATUS SELF-GOVERNING TERRITORY
» With the Dutch history of denying people in territories it controls the right to exercise their self determination, it’s imperative for the UN Decolonization Committee to revise the removal of the Netherlands Antilles from the list of non-self-governing territories. » In defiance of international law the Dutch government after 5 centuries of colonial presence in the Caribbean and 55 years of a much disputed Kingdom Charter, has not only not promoted the decolonization of the territories, but is executing now the recolonization, the paradigm shift being described as from “principle based relationship” to “rule based relationship” or Kingdom New Style with more Dutch rules, involvement, control and supervision.
» The government of the Dutch Kingdom has de jure and de facto failed since 1954 to grant the economic, social, political, cultural, spiritual development to the islands of the Netherlands Antilles according to the spirit and resolutions of the United Nations; » The Netherlands Antilles have been incorrectly removed from the list of non self-governing territories of the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations. » The Netherlands Antilles mistakenly appear on the list of self-governing territories. This calls for a revision, considering the reversing of the self internal government process as executed by the Dutch government » Based on all the above, there is legal ground to state that both international law as national have been violated by the Dutch government and the Independence Party calls for the Committee. To sanction this policy. » A body of international observers should be present in Curaçao to guarantee a free and transparent referendum considering anti-democratic experiences in former referenda. » The recent referendum that gave France the victory of integrating Mayotte against the will of the people, showed a colonial power in flagrant violation of numerous UN resolutions. The recolonization policy of Dutch government should be stopped to avoid the same thing in Curaçao.
INVITATION TO THE MAY 12-14 SEMINAR
The Independence Party of Curaçao proceeds to: -request Chairman Dr. Natalegawa to put on the agenda of the seminar of the Committee to be held in St. Kitts and Nevis on May 12-14 of this year the issue of decolonization of Curaçao, Netherlands Antilles. -urgently request the Distinguished Members of the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations in its Second Decade of Eradication of Colonialism to invite a representative of the mentioned party to address the seminar of the Committee to be held in St. Kitts and Nevis on May 12-14 of this year in order to receive a correct report of the internal situation of the Netherlands Antilles based on Resolution 55/146 (55 ft Session, agenda item 18, 83rd Plenary meeting, Dec.8, 2000) of the General Assembly of the UN Committee on the Second International decade for the Eradication of Colonialism: “Invites Member States, specialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations system, and other governmental and nongovernmental organizations, actively to support and participate in the implementation of the plan of action during the Second International Decade.
-urgently request the Distinguished Members of the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations in its Second Decade of Eradication of Colonialism to present the case of the Netherlands Antilles in the June 2009 assembly in New York for revision and be appointed as a non-self governing territory
-request the Committee to decree a third Decade to attend the decolonization of the remaining colonies in the Caribbean (Netherlands Antilles, Montserrat, Anguilla, Puerto Rico, Martinique, Guadeloupe, French Guyana, French St. Martin, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, US Virgin Islands and other parts of the world and/or the 16 territories that remain on the list of the UN Decolonization Committee in order to effectively grant the right of self determination to this territories.
With much respect
Drs. Joceline Andrea Clemencia
Chair Independence Party of Curaçao
Notes
1 In 1962 (UN Resolution 2504) the General Assembly summoned the Netherlands to grant Papua New Guinea a referendum and took Irian Barat under UN control. In 1963 the referendum took place and in Irian Barat became part of Indonesia in 1969.
2Jessurun’s 2004 report Governmental and Financial relations, Partners in the kingdom 2006, Hirsch Ballin’s 1990: Draft of a commonwealth constitution for the kingdom of the Netherlands. Council of State’s Advice future political relations (06), Central Bank’s Advantages & disadvantages options Central Bank (06); Working group’s General Financial Position (06)
3 No social, economic, cultural or other circumstances may be used to impede a people to make use of their right of self determination
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/27/2009
Un Palabra Interesante: PROCRASTINASHÓN
procrastinashón
sustantivo): Acshón y resultado de procrastiná o retrasá realisashón di un cos.
SINÓNIMO: aplazamentu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
sustantivo): Acshón y resultado de procrastiná o retrasá realisashón di un cos.
SINÓNIMO: aplazamentu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
Al Jazeera muestra video del paramilitar que admite plan de magnicidio contra el Presidente Chávez
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/26/2009
¿Un partido político makamba-roinèk na Còrçáo?
Awe nós a ricibí dos documento qu ta revelá e intenshón di probablemente un makamba, un tal Jan de Wit, tal bes un roinèk qu quièr cuminsá un partido político llamá PPE.
Di e mesún manera qu durante diferente elecshón a manipulá y contaminá resultado electoral cu votadó ilegítimo makamba, tur cos ta indicá qu e intenshón aquí di parti di probablemente un makamba-roinèk tá pa supuestamente vía un ruta legal, un bia mas, influenciá resultado electoral. E biaha aquí e elecshón qu tin qu tuma lugá otro aña.
Tá un intento di dòbel carácter. Lo trata di acumulá votadó makamba ilegítimo pa parti di PAR y lo trata di logra haña votadó makamba qu lo no a vota pa PAR, presentando un di nan mes héndenan. Obviamente un punto di bista racista. Makamba ta atendé ku makamba so. Apartheid pa excelencia.
¿Quen tá Jan de Wit? Nós lo averiguá. ¿Qui papel gobièrnu makamba ta hunga den e asuntu aquí? Nós lo averiguá.
Nós lo analisá e documéntonan den e siguiente díanan.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
Di e mesún manera qu durante diferente elecshón a manipulá y contaminá resultado electoral cu votadó ilegítimo makamba, tur cos ta indicá qu e intenshón aquí di parti di probablemente un makamba-roinèk tá pa supuestamente vía un ruta legal, un bia mas, influenciá resultado electoral. E biaha aquí e elecshón qu tin qu tuma lugá otro aña.
Tá un intento di dòbel carácter. Lo trata di acumulá votadó makamba ilegítimo pa parti di PAR y lo trata di logra haña votadó makamba qu lo no a vota pa PAR, presentando un di nan mes héndenan. Obviamente un punto di bista racista. Makamba ta atendé ku makamba so. Apartheid pa excelencia.
¿Quen tá Jan de Wit? Nós lo averiguá. ¿Qui papel gobièrnu makamba ta hunga den e asuntu aquí? Nós lo averiguá.
Nós lo analisá e documéntonan den e siguiente díanan.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/25/2009
¡Écolecua!
Asina ta contestá o laga.
Esencia no tá si Ahmadinejad tá ningá holocausto - finalmente nós no ta carga ningún culpa di holocauto, sino al contrario, nós tá víctima y pió - sino e echo qu e genocídanan y cómplicenan pa excelencia ta tapa nan crimen, acusando ótronan di loque nán tá culpábel. Mundu contrali. Inculpatio.
Manera nós a formulá den Sigui Bati Brecha, e momentu qu ta desviá di e asuntu, e esencia, a pèrdè batalla.
Presidente Chávez no ta cai den e trampa.
Esaqui tá un ehèmpel clásico con contestá y desenmascará e enemigu. E mihó defensa tá definitivamente contrataque. Un excelente ehèmpel pa Catesashi di Liberashón.
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
Esencia no tá si Ahmadinejad tá ningá holocausto - finalmente nós no ta carga ningún culpa di holocauto, sino al contrario, nós tá víctima y pió - sino e echo qu e genocídanan y cómplicenan pa excelencia ta tapa nan crimen, acusando ótronan di loque nán tá culpábel. Mundu contrali. Inculpatio.
Manera nós a formulá den Sigui Bati Brecha, e momentu qu ta desviá di e asuntu, e esencia, a pèrdè batalla.
Presidente Chávez no ta cai den e trampa.
Esaqui tá un ehèmpel clásico con contestá y desenmascará e enemigu. E mihó defensa tá definitivamente contrataque. Un excelente ehèmpel pa Catesashi di Liberashón.
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/23/2009
Pavarotti "caruso"
P.D.
Un nota riba e canción aquí tá na su lugá. E cancíón aquí llama orginalmente «Te voglio bene assai», o sea mí stimabu asina tantu. Un composishón di excepshonal bellesa. Pa mayó entendimentu y goso di su bellesa, nós ta adishoná su letra na italiano. E letra u nós a haña riba internet tábatin algún eror qu nós méster a coregí.
Qui dove il mare luccica,
e tira forte il vento
sulla vecchia terrazza
davanti al golfo di Surriento
un uomo abbraccia una ragazza
dopo che aveva pianto
poi si schiarisce la voce,
e ricomincia il canto
Te voglio bene assai
ma tanto tanto bene sai
è una catena ormai
che scioglie il sangue dint’e vene sai…
Vide le luci in mezzo al mare,
pensò alle notti là in America
ma erano solo le lampare
e la bianca scia di un’elica
senti il dolore nella musica,
e si atzò dal pianoforte
ma quando vide uscire
la luna da una nuvola,
gli sembrò più dolce anche la morte
guardò negli occhi la ragazza,
quegli occhi verdi come il mare
poi all’improvviso usci una lacrima
e lui credette di affogare
Te voglio bene assai
ma tanto tanto bene sai
è una catena ormai
che scioglie il sangue dint’e vene sai...
Potenza della lirica,
dove ogni dramma è un falso
che con un po’ di trucco e con la
mimica
puoi diventare un altro
ma due occhi che ti guardano,
così vicini e veri
ti fan scordare le parole,
confondono i pensieri
così diventa tutto piccolo,
anche le notti là in America
ti volti e vedi la tua vita,
dietro la scia di un’elica
ma sì, è la vita che finisce,
è non ci penso poi tanto
anzi, si sentiva già felice,
e ricominciò il suo canto
Te voglio bene assai
ma tanto tanto bene sai
è una catena ormai
che scioglie il sangue dint’e vene sai...
Te voglio bene assai
ma tanto tanto bene sai
è una catena ormai
che scioglie il sangue dint’e vene sai...
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
Sigui Bati Brecha
Tá importante loque diadomingu awor Pueblo Soberano tá iniciando cu e conferencia riba independencia.
Mas qu calque contemplashón romántico y filosófico riba independencia, loque tá mas importante aínda tá un exposishón pragmático y práctico riba quico independencia ta como cu bebe. Su bentáhanan y, lógico, su riésgonan.
A través di e último dos áñanan di Papiamentu Bibu su existencia virtual den diferente artículo a scirbi riba e necesidad inevitábel di cuantificá independencia, haciendo estúdionan comparativo actual y histórico cu otro sociedadnan parecido o comparábel na esún di nós.
Tin mas factor importante qu lo yuda forha e deseo y necesidad di independencia y soberanía. Tin un factor histórico y actual, siendo lo actual consecuencia y resultado directo di lo histórico, qu tá nós sentido di inferioridad condensá den nos di dos himno nashonal: Nós mes no por.
Contra virulencia di e lema histórico aquí, imponé pa cuátershen aña di colonisashón, ocupashón, sclabitud, explotashón, teror, intimidashón, asesinato, genocidio, méster presentá pragmáticamente cuantifica paquico antó e burdugu, precisamente esún qu a «siña» nós e lema ey y con qu bai-bin a bati’é den nós, tá aqui aínda, paquico e no a renunciá o no ta renunciá pa caba na e seis Íslanan «inútil» aquí.
Pa Sürnám Armand Zunder a haci un estudio qu a determiná qu durante tempu colonial te e periodo di bauxit, macamba a gana 379 billón euro cu colonia Sürnám. 379.000.000.000, un cifra astronómico qu ta contrarrestá tur mentira colonial qu Sürnám tábata un colonia sin beneficio.
Mescos ta conta pa nós. Por lo tanto méster cuantificá tur loque macamba a gana colonizando y explotando Antilla, te cu e día di awe. Méster saca na lus di día pa quico macamba t’ey aínda.
Cu lo anterior nós a formulá un acercamentu pragmático y práctico pa laga nos conciudadánonan mira qu, manera nós mes ta bisa tur ora, e íslanan aquí no tá jis baranca.
E otro punto importante tá con formulá, crea loque nós quièr llama un catesashi di liberashón. Cuantu bia den discushón, y especialmente cu e menos fuértenan entre nós, discushón a stanca pasobra ta bisa cosnan manera «¿quico bó quièr, situashón manera Haití? (esaqui tá un clásico di e capacidad argumentativo di shon Bibalargu) o «¿bó quièr nós bira manera Sürnám?» O sea, méster crea un documento, un manual qu nos héndenan ta studia pa siña con contrarrestá e mentíranan y falácianan colonial.
Promé qu nós finalisá, un anécdota personal.
Recientemente nós a ricibí un amigu hulandés cu su casá curasoleño (descendencia sürnám). Nós a bai come huntu den óranan di anochi. Nós a debatí riba historia, política, colonialismo, declarashón final, corupshón. Riba ningún di nós arguméntonan e amigu hulandés aquí tábatin argumento. Na final ora nós tábata na punto di lanta for di mesa, e amigu hulandés aquí no por a laga di haci un último remarque, sí, pasobra lamentablemente macamba sémper quièr tin e último palabra. Su remarque tábata e siguiente:
«Lo tábata bon si bó tábata mas crítico pa cu bo mes héndenan, pa cu corupshón di bo mes héndenan, e echo qu tin hopi cos qu ta bai robés.»
Na final e amigu hulandés aquí su makambismo histórico-genético a dref bin ariba, inevitablemente. Nós sa esey. Tá inevitábel.
Si nós lo a contest’é, loque hopi di nós lo a haci, qu e realidad e tin rasón pasobra aquí tin hopi cos qu ta cana robés etc. etc. etc., anto tur loque nós a bisa anteriormente tábata pòrnada. E amigu hulandés aquí qu na final a transformá den un makamba auténtico, lo a sinti’é ganá. Nós a contest’é lo siguiente:
«E discushón ey tá asuntu familiar. E discushón ey nós no ta hiba cu boso. Esey no tá esencia di e asuntu. Esencia di e asuntu tá, e único cos relevante pa nós tá tur loque boso a haci cu nós a través di cuátershen aña.»
E momento qu nós ta desviá for di esencia di e asuntu, nós a pèrdè e debate pa definishón. Méster mantené rumbo fiho.
Un reflecshón final y un argumento pa e catesashi di liberashón: Independencia tá bida mes. Y bida madurá, independiente tá loque cada un di nós ta busca na grandi, ora nós sali for di cas. Y mescos qu bida diario, independencia tin bentaha y riesgo. Y mescos qu bida diario, nós no ta aceptá otro hende, di un día pa otro, bin manda den nos cas.
Pueblo Soberano, nós tá contentu cu bóso tá organisá e conferencia. Tá un paso di gigante. Sigui bati brecha den e tapaqueshi makamba.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
Mas qu calque contemplashón romántico y filosófico riba independencia, loque tá mas importante aínda tá un exposishón pragmático y práctico riba quico independencia ta como cu bebe. Su bentáhanan y, lógico, su riésgonan.
A través di e último dos áñanan di Papiamentu Bibu su existencia virtual den diferente artículo a scirbi riba e necesidad inevitábel di cuantificá independencia, haciendo estúdionan comparativo actual y histórico cu otro sociedadnan parecido o comparábel na esún di nós.
Tin mas factor importante qu lo yuda forha e deseo y necesidad di independencia y soberanía. Tin un factor histórico y actual, siendo lo actual consecuencia y resultado directo di lo histórico, qu tá nós sentido di inferioridad condensá den nos di dos himno nashonal: Nós mes no por.
Contra virulencia di e lema histórico aquí, imponé pa cuátershen aña di colonisashón, ocupashón, sclabitud, explotashón, teror, intimidashón, asesinato, genocidio, méster presentá pragmáticamente cuantifica paquico antó e burdugu, precisamente esún qu a «siña» nós e lema ey y con qu bai-bin a bati’é den nós, tá aqui aínda, paquico e no a renunciá o no ta renunciá pa caba na e seis Íslanan «inútil» aquí.
Pa Sürnám Armand Zunder a haci un estudio qu a determiná qu durante tempu colonial te e periodo di bauxit, macamba a gana 379 billón euro cu colonia Sürnám. 379.000.000.000, un cifra astronómico qu ta contrarrestá tur mentira colonial qu Sürnám tábata un colonia sin beneficio.
Mescos ta conta pa nós. Por lo tanto méster cuantificá tur loque macamba a gana colonizando y explotando Antilla, te cu e día di awe. Méster saca na lus di día pa quico macamba t’ey aínda.
Cu lo anterior nós a formulá un acercamentu pragmático y práctico pa laga nos conciudadánonan mira qu, manera nós mes ta bisa tur ora, e íslanan aquí no tá jis baranca.
E otro punto importante tá con formulá, crea loque nós quièr llama un catesashi di liberashón. Cuantu bia den discushón, y especialmente cu e menos fuértenan entre nós, discushón a stanca pasobra ta bisa cosnan manera «¿quico bó quièr, situashón manera Haití? (esaqui tá un clásico di e capacidad argumentativo di shon Bibalargu) o «¿bó quièr nós bira manera Sürnám?» O sea, méster crea un documento, un manual qu nos héndenan ta studia pa siña con contrarrestá e mentíranan y falácianan colonial.
Promé qu nós finalisá, un anécdota personal.
Recientemente nós a ricibí un amigu hulandés cu su casá curasoleño (descendencia sürnám). Nós a bai come huntu den óranan di anochi. Nós a debatí riba historia, política, colonialismo, declarashón final, corupshón. Riba ningún di nós arguméntonan e amigu hulandés aquí tábatin argumento. Na final ora nós tábata na punto di lanta for di mesa, e amigu hulandés aquí no por a laga di haci un último remarque, sí, pasobra lamentablemente macamba sémper quièr tin e último palabra. Su remarque tábata e siguiente:
«Lo tábata bon si bó tábata mas crítico pa cu bo mes héndenan, pa cu corupshón di bo mes héndenan, e echo qu tin hopi cos qu ta bai robés.»
Na final e amigu hulandés aquí su makambismo histórico-genético a dref bin ariba, inevitablemente. Nós sa esey. Tá inevitábel.
Si nós lo a contest’é, loque hopi di nós lo a haci, qu e realidad e tin rasón pasobra aquí tin hopi cos qu ta cana robés etc. etc. etc., anto tur loque nós a bisa anteriormente tábata pòrnada. E amigu hulandés aquí qu na final a transformá den un makamba auténtico, lo a sinti’é ganá. Nós a contest’é lo siguiente:
«E discushón ey tá asuntu familiar. E discushón ey nós no ta hiba cu boso. Esey no tá esencia di e asuntu. Esencia di e asuntu tá, e único cos relevante pa nós tá tur loque boso a haci cu nós a través di cuátershen aña.»
E momento qu nós ta desviá for di esencia di e asuntu, nós a pèrdè e debate pa definishón. Méster mantené rumbo fiho.
Un reflecshón final y un argumento pa e catesashi di liberashón: Independencia tá bida mes. Y bida madurá, independiente tá loque cada un di nós ta busca na grandi, ora nós sali for di cas. Y mescos qu bida diario, independencia tin bentaha y riesgo. Y mescos qu bida diario, nós no ta aceptá otro hende, di un día pa otro, bin manda den nos cas.
Pueblo Soberano, nós tá contentu cu bóso tá organisá e conferencia. Tá un paso di gigante. Sigui bati brecha den e tapaqueshi makamba.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/22/2009
Algún Aforismo di Antonio Porchia
Mi bida lo mí n´quer
a cambia pa ningún otro bida,
pasó mi bida… tá mi
bida.
«Bon» y «malu» tá
palabra di mucha, mas qu
palabra di hende grandi.
Rectitud, caminda
ta apliqu’é, ta troce.
Lo bon ta poseé infinidad di
autor, lo malu, en cambio,
casi n´tin autor.
Mi distancia tábata breve: el a
compañami te aqui.
Mí ta quere den Dios, no p’e,
tampoco pa mí. Mi ta quere den
Dios pa esnán qu ta quere
den Dios.
Y si mí tá e necesidadnan
di loque mí tá; loque mí
tá ¿quen e tá?
Tá tá obligá curpa pa tá.
Y obligá curpa pa tá tá
obligá curpa pa tá.
E no tá tá.
© 2009 Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
a cambia pa ningún otro bida,
pasó mi bida… tá mi
bida.
«Bon» y «malu» tá
palabra di mucha, mas qu
palabra di hende grandi.
Rectitud, caminda
ta apliqu’é, ta troce.
Lo bon ta poseé infinidad di
autor, lo malu, en cambio,
casi n´tin autor.
Mi distancia tábata breve: el a
compañami te aqui.
Mí ta quere den Dios, no p’e,
tampoco pa mí. Mi ta quere den
Dios pa esnán qu ta quere
den Dios.
Y si mí tá e necesidadnan
di loque mí tá; loque mí
tá ¿quen e tá?
Tá tá obligá curpa pa tá.
Y obligá curpa pa tá tá
obligá curpa pa tá.
E no tá tá.
© 2009 Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/21/2009
Un Nota Final riba «Motíbunan Práctico pa Independencia 2: Antilla teritorio di guera»
Lo tin suficiente hende entre nós qu lo ninga e posibilidad «real» qu lo sacrificá nós pa simplemente rapacidad, ladronisia, gansterismo, codicia.
Na promé lugá nós méster confrontá realidad, e realidad qu nós tin di aber cu un grupo di gangster, mericano y macamba, qu ya cuátershen aña ta dominá y explotá mundu.
Nós tá papiando di un sèt di nazi qu a aniquilá incontábel japonés na final di di dos guera mundial. Aparte qu su uzo hamás por tin hustificashón, a uz’é na momento qu Hapón tábata na punto di capitulá. Merca tá e único país qu a uza arma nuclear for di dia qu a inventá e arma aquí. Un grupo germano nazi makambo-yanki qu a hiba después diferente guera di agreshón y ocupashón contra puéblonan rumán manera Corea, Vietnám y recientemente contra Afganistán y Iraq. Un complejo germano nazi gansteril qu sin quinipí wowo a asesiná millones di hende ya cuátershen aña.
Esún entre nós qu ta quere qu tur cos lo sali bon pa nós pasobra makamba stima nós o lo protehá nós, no méster quibucá. «Sacrificá» 150.000 hende na Còrçáo, 100.000 hende na Aruba y dios-sa cuantu mas na Venezuela pa por apoderá di e botín qu llama América Latino, no ta nificá nada pa e makámbanan aquí.
Diadomingu awor Pueblo Soberano lo organisá un conferencia riba independencia. Papiamentu Bibu tá di opinión qu e tema aquí tá di extremo urgencia. Tá inevitábel pone e asuntu aquí riba agènda di e conferencia.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/20/2009
Un Palabra Interesante: ESPURIO
Awe nós ta presentá un secshón nobo qu nós a llama Un Palabra Interesante. Su intenshón, no solamente den escrito, tá pa explícitamente introducí palabra den papiamentu. Manera nós a llega di scirbi, spañó ta zona di influencia natural di papiamentu, su recurso estratégico pa naturalesa.
Nós la haci uzo di dicshonárionan spañó digital manera Larrouse y Signum, qu ta facilitá copia y pega texto. Obviamente nós lo adaptá e texto original na spañó.
Pues, nós lo cuminsá e secshón aquí cu un palabra qu nós a topa cun'é awe lesando un texto. E palabra tá ESPURIO.
Sinónimo
adhetivo:
ilegítimo: adulterá, falsificá, imitá, contrahecho, fraudulento, falseá, falsu, ficticio
corrompí: degenerá, depravá
Antónimo
adhetivo:
legítimo: verás, honesto, honrado, decoroso
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
Nós la haci uzo di dicshonárionan spañó digital manera Larrouse y Signum, qu ta facilitá copia y pega texto. Obviamente nós lo adaptá e texto original na spañó.
Pues, nós lo cuminsá e secshón aquí cu un palabra qu nós a topa cun'é awe lesando un texto. E palabra tá ESPURIO.
| Gran Diccionario de la Lengua Española LAROUSSE |
| SIGNUM Sinónimos del español |
adhetivo:
ilegítimo: adulterá, falsificá, imitá, contrahecho, fraudulento, falseá, falsu, ficticio
corrompí: degenerá, depravá
Antónimo
adhetivo:
legítimo: verás, honesto, honrado, decoroso
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
Entrevista di José Vicente Rangel cu Nicolas Maduro, Canciller di Venezuela
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/18/2009
Motíbunan práctico pa Independencia 2: Antilla teritorio di guera
Awe Merca lo desocupá e base militar Manta na Ecuador. Awe a sali den Último Noticia qu Merca lo pasa parti di e material militar, incluyendo personal pa su F.O.L. na Còrçáo.
Merca, na boca di secretario di estado yanki Clinton hipócritamente a expresá «preocupashón» pa e supuesto aumento y acelerashón di armamentu na Venezuela. Riba esaqui, Roy Chaderton Matos, e embahador venezolano ante O.E.A. (Organisashón di Estádonan Americano), a pronunciá un discurso. Un discurso elocuente manera sémper.
Un parti di e discurso na final tá un advertencia pa nós, relashoná cu e artículo anterior. Nós ta cita e parti for di e discurso:
«Hace pocos años, un periodista venezolano de nombre Roberto, del diario de ultraderecha “El Universal” de Caracas, fue invitado a presenciar las maniobras UNITAS del portaaviones USS Dwight D. Eisenhower en aguas de Curazao. Desde allí, regodeado en su emoción y amenazando implícitamente a su propio país, afirmó que el poder de fuego alojado en el vientre de esa nave era mayor que el de todas las fuerzas aéreas de América del Sur juntas. No puedo asegurar que en ese vientre comenzó la gestación de UNASUR, pero si me atrevo a decir que si desde el vecino Curazao se permite una agresión contra territorio venezolano, los gobernantes complacientes tendrán que asumir las consecuencias.»
Chaderton a papia idioma cla. Si llega asina leu qu lo uza nos teritorio como base pa agreshón contra Venezuela, nós tin qu carga su consecuéncianan.
Nós, cu presencia di e básenan militar makambo-yanki, tá teritorio di guera.
No tin tempu di pèrdè. Méster bira independiente pa pone un fin na e ocupashón colonial rassista makamba y salbaguardiá nos cas.
Papiamentu Bibu
E discurso di Chaderton:
-Intervención del Embajador Roy Chaderton Matos ante la Organización de los Estados Americanos
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/15/2009
Motíbunan práctico pa Independencia di Antilla
Recientemente riba e página-web di Rebelión a sali publicá un artículo cu e título El definitivo adiós al patio trasero. E artículo tá directamente relashoná cu e proceso di militarisashón di América Latino di parti di imperio mericano y su lacayo, su cachó más fiel: macamba.
Mundu político-militar anti-imperialista latinoamericano y caribe tá comprondiendo e mensahe germano (makambo-yanki) bon cla. E colonisashón financiero-económico-militar di Colombia, e gòlpi di estado na Honduras (di cua Obama ni siquiera tábata na altura), diferente otro base na teritorio caribo-latinoamericano (entre nán prominentemente ta figurá Còrçáo y Aruba cu e básenan militar makamba y yanki), reactivashón di e di cuáter flota imperial, y no laga nós balia rònd di e asuntu y papia papiamentu cla y bibu, tin como meta guera.
Ya algún aña pasá a tene ehercícionan militar na Antilla como antesala pa loque, si no logra conten’éle, lo bira guera na América Latino y Caribe. ¿Guera paquico? Guera pa còntròl di recurso den un mundu caminda día pa día recurso ta bira mas scars. Recúrsonan qu América Latino y Caribe aínda tin na abundancia manera gas (recientemente na península Paraguaná (estado Falcón), no mashá leu for di nós Venezuela a descubrí un enorme yacimiento di gas di alrededor di 10 trillón pía cúbico), y, mashá importante, awa. América Latino conocé un di e resérvanan de awa dushi mas grandi na mundu manera acuífero Guaraní. Y, más qu claro, hende someté (no sumiso) como recurso humano bou còntròl di compínchinan criollo (local) qu ta faborecé e makambo-yánkinan (manera tá sosodiendo na Colombia y aqui).
Mundu político-militar (comandante Chávez continuamente ta papia di cívico-militar) latinoamericano tá consciente di e inminente pelíguer qu e germánonan tá representando. No sin motibu pues presidente Inacio Lula da Silva tá aumentando su poderío militar, y no cu material yanki (pasobra ora cos lo bira parènpènpèn obviamente Merca lo boicoteá mantenshón di material militar cumprá cerca nán, manera nán a haci cu Venezuela), sino cu material francés cu transferencia di tecnología haciendo e compleho militar-industrial brasilero auto-suficiente.
Además, sumamente importante, Lula a laga sa qu Brasil tin e posibilidad di fabricá arma nuclear, un mensahe no-gratuito di parti di Lula. Loque Lula tá bisando realmente: den secreto nós tá trahando ariba caba o, tal bes, ya nós tá den poseshón di arma nuclear. Esaqui tá e único cos qu e makambo-yánkinan ta comprondé y ta respetá y lo tene nán na distancia.
E mesún código nós por destilá for di e biahe di comandante Chávez. Aparte qu e biahe tábatin como meta quibra na filingrana e cerco mediático y progresivo criminalisashón di Chávez y revolushón bolivariano, e meta tábata principalmente estratégico-militar.E biahe, especialmente pa Rusia, pa adquirí arma di defensa den forma di cohétenan Smerch y tanqui di guera T-72 tá pa agilisá, acelerá fortificashón di defensa venezolano. E cohétenan Smerch ta alcansá Íslanan ABC fácilmente. Tambe Chávez a menshoná desarollo di energía nuclear den cooperashón cu Rusia. En mensahe tá idéntico na esún di Lula. Nós ta bai desarollá arma nuclear pasobra tá e único arma disuasorio, e único lenguahe qu e bárbaronan aquí ta comprondé.
Awemainta ta sali den Algemeen Dagblad qu Merca tá preocupá pa e reciente adquisishón di arma di parti di Venezuela. E compleho germano makambo-yanki tá preocupá qu e adquisishón aquí lo resultá den un carera armamentista. Esaqui tá loque e escritor uruguayo Eduardo Galeano a llama «el mundo al revés»; mundu contrali. Esnán qu ya pa dos mil aña tá terorisando y dominando mundu, di nos caso awor cuátershen aña, qu tin riba nán «blachi di bida», teror, genocidio, sclabitud, colonisashón, explotashón, aínda te día di awe, ta acusá otro di loque nán a cometé. Esaqui ta sali for di boca di e compleho imperial militar makambo-yanki qu tin mas qu 800 base militar rònd mundu na 40 país. Definitivamente mundu contrali. Esaqui tá Inculpatio.
Manera nós a bisa, e noticia qu Venezuela ta bai explorá «energía nuclear» tampoco tá gratuito. Tá un mensahe cla. E único mensahe qu e germánonan makambo-yanki ta comprondé. E crisis entre Merca y Unión Soviético na 1962 pa e misilnan nuclear ruso tábata pa protehá y blinda Cuba contra di un ataque makambo-yanki devastador.
Cu expanshón militar makambo-yanki na Colombia, y e básenan militar makambo-yanki na Antilla, nán quièr changa Venezuela y destruí revolushón bolivariano venezolano, cubano y pa extenshón revertí cámbionan na Ecuador, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Guatemala, El Salvador etc. etc. Es decir, destrucshón di e coriéntenan soberano revolucionario anti-imperialista.
Nós tá ya caba teritorio di guera, y nós lo tá directamente den liña di fuego ora e tenshonan escalá den direcshón di guera. E desaróllonan aquí tá serio. Nos superbibencia tá na pelíguer.
Aparte di mil y un argumento pa bira independiente, un argumento práctico pa bira independiente tá pa pone un fin na presencia di e básenan militar makambo-yanki y asina evitá qu nós ta haña nós involucrá den un guera qu nós no a pidi p’é y qu finalmente tá un guera contra nós tambe.
E prospecto di guera na teritorio caribo-latinoamericano contra e moveméntunan revolucionario soberano anti-imperialista, tá un guera contra nos lucha pa libertad tambe.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/11/2009
Pax Neerlandica 2
Día macamba a bin cue Stanley Ignacio bai cun’é, un di nos contáctonan ta conta nós qu un ferviente partidario di opshón Sí y Declarashón Final, hòmber conocí den sociedad, a bisa: «¿con por ta posíbel qu macamba ta llega aqui bai asina-asina qu un di nos héndenan?».
Sí, ¿con por tá posíbel? Ladrón o no. Asesino o no. Delincuente o no. Corupto o no. Traidor o no. Tá pasobra nós tá bou di e tapaqueshi macamba o Pax Neerlandica.
Awe nós quièr a sigui discurí riba Pax Neerlandica. Pax Neerlandica, simplemente formulá , no á nada otro qu «ley y orden» imponé pa macamba, pacificashón di un teritorio, un pueblo bou di nan «réglanan». Por lo tanto, obviamente ta aplicá e«ley y orden» macamba aquí según ta cumbiní nán. Nós ta bolbe ripití: córda e caso Van der Sloot. Lesa e texto di ayera y un artículo qu nós a dedicá na e caso aquí: Caso van der Sloot den Contexto.
Ora macamba ta papia antó di «ley y orden» pa combatí droga, criminalidad, terorismo etc. etc., nán no ta menshoná loque nán a haci durante cuátershen aña y tá haciendo aínda. Ora ta papia di deréchonan humano y democracia, nán no ta menshoná e violashonan di nos deréchonan humano ya prácticamente cuátershen aña. Ora nán ta papia di terorismo, nán no ta menshoná e teror y intimidashón qu nán a imponé y aínda tá imponiendo ya prácticamente cuátershen aña. Ora nán ta papia di corupshón, nán no ta menshoná qu nan sociedad tá basá riba corupshón, qu estado macamba na su génesis tábata corupto, qu Statüt tá un modelo corupto y coruptivo. Ora nán ta papia di combatí traficashón di droga, nán no ta menshoná qu nan sociedad ta dependé pa un parti esencial di droga, qu nán a legalicé, no pa princípionan humanista ―¿quen cu un poco di sano huicio por tá na fabor di legalisashón di droga?― sino pa motíbunan netamente económico. A legalisá cierto tipo di droga y ta cobra impuesto riba nán. Lesa nos artículo titulá Narco-Estado Macamba.
¿Paquico huzga cierto político qu a bai preso y qu entre tanto tá liber atrobe (bou di direcshón macamba)? Den liberashón di un di e líderan político, macamba a hunga e papel principal pasobra tábatin méster di un mayoría político pa por cristalisá Declarashón Final, mientras tanto e criminal di guera Balkenende, qu a baña su manan den sánguer iraquí y afgano inocente, ta cana rònd líber. Y asina nós por sigui.
Nós ta frega man den otro chiquí-chiquí pasobra a eliminá un contrincante político. Awor nós ta goza un bòl pasobra nos momento a llega, por fin. Pax Neerlandica, Tapaqueshi Macamba no conocé lealtad. Pax Neerlandica y su actor principal, macamba, conocé solamente su propio interés. Si awe bó ta sirbi pa algu, mañán bó ta desechábel, eliminábel, y ta reemplasabu pa otro figurante qu ta sirbi interés macamba.
¿Den cua direcshón nós quièr bai cu nos discurso? Nós a trece cu e cásonan Ignacio y Booi dos ehèmpel di e consecuencia di Pax Neerlandica. No tá cuestión di aplaudí ora macamba a atendé cu un supuesto corupto entre nós. Tá cuestión di mustra macamba riba su historia y realidad ladrón, corupto, violador di deréchonan humano. Nán, macamba, tá e ladronan pa excelencia, Nán, macamba tá e corúptonan pa excelencia. Nán, macamba, tá e violadornan di deréchonan humano di tur tempu pa excelencia. Por lo tanto e problema no tá nos mes héndenan, sino macamba tá e problema, e único problema qu tin nós caminda nós tá.
Ora cu tur euforia di mundu nós ta referí na nos «zwartboek», manera Lorito den Laprensa a menshoná ayera, nos méster menshoná na promé y último lugá esún macamba, pretu te sobra, di tantu asesinato, genocidio, robo, rapto, deportashón, teror, intimidashón, ocupashón, extorshón ya prácticamente cuátershen aña. Esún di nós tá ñaña, nada, cos di mala mucha chiquitu, compará cu loque macamba ya tá haciendo cuátershen aña. Den Dante su Divina Commedia, den e punto mas profundo y e centro di Fièrnu, nós por reemplasá Lucifer, qu a traishoná Dios su amor, pa macamba. Un macamba na cadena torturá pa un sacu di placa qu e no por alcansá. Al fin y al cabo Lucifer tábata un ángel qu a cai.
E momento qu nós, den nos discurso, ta desviá atenshón riba nos mes héndenan, macamba a logra loque e tábata quièr: Divide et impera. Pax Neerlandica ta dependé totalmente riba e divishón qu e por crea entre nós, creando enemistad y guera entre nós, creando discordia entre nós, mientras e burdugu, e enemigu histórico, visceral, di ayera y di awe, y di mañán tá macamba.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/10/2009
Lectura Recomendá
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Latin America and the End of Social Liberalism
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
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El colonialismo cabalga de nuevo
Raúl Zibechi
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
9/08/2009
Pax Neerlandica
Algún acontecimentu ta requerí un análisis mas a fondo. Tin diferente asuntu qu ta pidi atenshón. Nós lo menshoná algún,aunque lo no atendé cu tur den e artículo aquí:
1. Aprenshón di e yu di tera Stanley Ignacio (entre tantu ya e á líber)
2. Delineashón di áwanan teritorial y zónanan económico exclusivo
3. Diferente redada especialmente na Boneiru directamente relashoná cu Ramoncito Booi, macamba su anterior «sweet heart».
Na algún ocashón caba nós a atendé cu e asuntu di áwanan teritorial y zona económico exclusivo.
Awe nós lo dirigí nos análisis únicamente riba e relashón entre e caso Stanley Ignacio y e caso Ramoncito booi.
¿Quico tá e relashón entre Stanley Ignacio y Ramoncito Booi? E relashón entre loque a pasa cu Ignacio y loque tá pasando na Boneiru ta bira cla, cristalino, solamente y únicamente ora nós ta sali for di e único bèrdad qu ta dominá nos bida, nos existencia ya prácticamente cuátershen aña: nós tá teritorio ocupá y colonisá. Por lo tanto precisamente e condishón di tá teritorio colonisá y ocupá ta permití macamba ehecutá calque actividad extrahudicial. E mero echo qu nós tá teritorio ocupá y colonisá tá haci qu no por papia di estado di derecho, simplemente pasobra como colonia y teritorio ocupá no por papia di estado y pa loque méster pasa pa derecho, tá derecho macamba. Pax Neerlandica.
Nos leynan tá rigí bou di dominio y ocupashón colonial macamba. Ora ta papia di concordancia di ley, den práctica esey ta nificá adaptá nos leynan na esunan macamba. Esey ta conta pa derecho civil, derecho penal, y tur otro área hurídico. Recientemente por a nota e preshón macamba pa cu matrimonio entre dos persona di e mesún sexo.
Por lo tanto, como nos sistema hurídico y hudicial ta totalmente bou di influencia y dominio macamba, macamba ora ta cumbiní nán, ta haci y deshací. Nomas nós ta referí na a caso Van der Sloot, den cua precisamente complicidad entre e dos nivelnan di magistratura (fiscalía y corte di husticia), dénter di e contexto colonial feudal, di previlegio colonial macamba, a permití Van der Sloot sali líber for di e caso aquí.
Tá práctica colonial di tur tempu. Y precisamente esnán qu ta quere qu nán tá na gracia cu e colonisadó y ocupadó, pasobra nán ta cumpli cu tur deseo colonial, ta core mas pelíguer. Ora nán no tá necesario mas, tá reemplasá o eliminá nán.
Tur loque tábata posíbel a partir di Declarashón Final, solamente tábata posíbel cu colaborashón y complicidad di nos mes héndenan. ¿Con por tá posíbel? Pasobra di cada unu di e actornan, macamba tin un expediente pa por a chantaheá y menasá nán. Sin e esaqui, hamás Declarashón Final por a bira realidad.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
1. Aprenshón di e yu di tera Stanley Ignacio (entre tantu ya e á líber)
2. Delineashón di áwanan teritorial y zónanan económico exclusivo
3. Diferente redada especialmente na Boneiru directamente relashoná cu Ramoncito Booi, macamba su anterior «sweet heart».
Na algún ocashón caba nós a atendé cu e asuntu di áwanan teritorial y zona económico exclusivo.
Awe nós lo dirigí nos análisis únicamente riba e relashón entre e caso Stanley Ignacio y e caso Ramoncito booi.
¿Quico tá e relashón entre Stanley Ignacio y Ramoncito Booi? E relashón entre loque a pasa cu Ignacio y loque tá pasando na Boneiru ta bira cla, cristalino, solamente y únicamente ora nós ta sali for di e único bèrdad qu ta dominá nos bida, nos existencia ya prácticamente cuátershen aña: nós tá teritorio ocupá y colonisá. Por lo tanto precisamente e condishón di tá teritorio colonisá y ocupá ta permití macamba ehecutá calque actividad extrahudicial. E mero echo qu nós tá teritorio ocupá y colonisá tá haci qu no por papia di estado di derecho, simplemente pasobra como colonia y teritorio ocupá no por papia di estado y pa loque méster pasa pa derecho, tá derecho macamba. Pax Neerlandica.
Nos leynan tá rigí bou di dominio y ocupashón colonial macamba. Ora ta papia di concordancia di ley, den práctica esey ta nificá adaptá nos leynan na esunan macamba. Esey ta conta pa derecho civil, derecho penal, y tur otro área hurídico. Recientemente por a nota e preshón macamba pa cu matrimonio entre dos persona di e mesún sexo.
Por lo tanto, como nos sistema hurídico y hudicial ta totalmente bou di influencia y dominio macamba, macamba ora ta cumbiní nán, ta haci y deshací. Nomas nós ta referí na a caso Van der Sloot, den cua precisamente complicidad entre e dos nivelnan di magistratura (fiscalía y corte di husticia), dénter di e contexto colonial feudal, di previlegio colonial macamba, a permití Van der Sloot sali líber for di e caso aquí.
Tá práctica colonial di tur tempu. Y precisamente esnán qu ta quere qu nán tá na gracia cu e colonisadó y ocupadó, pasobra nán ta cumpli cu tur deseo colonial, ta core mas pelíguer. Ora nán no tá necesario mas, tá reemplasá o eliminá nán.
Tur loque tábata posíbel a partir di Declarashón Final, solamente tábata posíbel cu colaborashón y complicidad di nos mes héndenan. ¿Con por tá posíbel? Pasobra di cada unu di e actornan, macamba tin un expediente pa por a chantaheá y menasá nán. Sin e esaqui, hamás Declarashón Final por a bira realidad.
Papiamentu Bibu
E bitácora aquí tá abrí pa reacshón. Tur reacshón tá someté na moderashón y solamente lo sali publicá si e «bitacorístanan» ta haña qu ta trata di un reacshón constructivo (no necesariamente mester tá di acuerdo cu nós).
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